The politics of representation and cultural empowerment are central concerns in contemporary museology. These issues have particular significance for museums of anthropology. Curators of ethnographic collections have typically provided an authoritative voice in describing and interpreting the world's cultures through museum collecting, documentation and display. Following recent trends within both museology and anthropology, the exclusive authority of curators over the collections under their care is being challenged. As indigenous museums and cultural centres are being set up throughout the world, many established museums are looking at ways of developing partnerships with the people whose histories and cultures they represent.

Like every major public ethnographic collection, the Cambridge University Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology (hereafter CUMAA) has for many years relied on the assistance of indigenous peoples in field-based research. However, a recent project marks the first time that CUMAA has benefited from active collaboration with an indigenous expert in the collection, documentation and display of his own culture's artefacts. In January 1993 a modest grant was awarded to Yarjung Kromchhain Tamu (Gurung), a practising Pachyu Shaman, to make a collection of Tamu shamanistic material from Nepal with the assistance of anthropologists Judith Pettigrew.

The Tamumai, more widely known as the Gurungs, are the predominant ethnic group living in the Annapurna and Manaslu mountains of central Nepal. They have a distinct language, culture and religious tradition. Their priests include the Pachyu, Khhlyeprin and Lama. The artefacts collected for the museum include costumes and ritual objects used by the Pachyu and Khllyeprin Shaman. Many of the objects have been used by Yarjung and other Shamans in important healing and mortuary rituals. Yarjung made the final decisions about the objects to be collected for the museum.

Yarjung Kromchhain Tamu arranging the display of shamanistic material. Ritual objects in the case include: a pair of cymbals, a bell and dorje ( a pair of ritual objects commonly used by Bhuddists), an incense burner, a wooden continer and cup for millet wine offered to ancestors, three different bird's heads which are used to collect spirits and bring them back to the Pa-chyu, and a bag with minaiture tools (arrow, axe, tongs, sickle and knife) used as weapons against evil spirits, and the lower leg and hoof from a deer foetus used as a powerful 'herb' for healing rituals (not seen in photograph). Photo: Anita Herle.

The anthropology section of CUMAA has a classification system which organizes and stores artefacts according to a series of primarily functional categories (clothing, containers, etc.). This collection of sacred material challenged the validity of the museum's taxonomic system. First, it was essential that the material be kept in a purified space. Such a space was created within a large wooden storage box by the performance of a small ritual involving prayer and the burning of a special mixture of herbs; the smoke cleansed and purified the interior of the box. Second, it is important that objects which are part of a ritual complex be kept together, especially if they are `friends'. Any disruption in the organization and numbering of storage boxes is obviously a minor inconvenience when compared to the religious significance of keeping the sacred objects together.

New acquisitions containing organic material normally go through a freezing process, assisted by the University's Scott Polar Institute, to ensure that the objects are not infested before being placed in a long term storage. It was readily agreed that the clothing made of natural fabrics could be frozen. However, there were concerns about some of the more sacred objects. While the museum exercises great caution regarding the safety of freezing certain types of material, the added danger of possibly offending Ancestors precluded the risk of freezing in this instance. As an alternative, and to ensure that other collections are not jeopardized, insect traps which can be easily monitored have been placed with the artefacts inside the box. The box is kept in a secure area but will not be placed in store until we are satisfied that the material is free from pests.

Yarjung was actively involved in documenting the collection at CUMAA. Every item was discussed in detail and indigenous names were recorded in Tamu-Kyui, Chon-Kyui (a ritual language) and Nepali. The objects provided an invaluable springboard for eliciting information about cultural context and the belief system which surrounds the objects' production and use. As the relationship between museum staff and Yarjung was strengthened, we gained additional information about the artefacts.

However, the ritual objects contain several levels of meaning, including information which is `secret'. It would have been inappropriate to encourage Yarjung to divulge information which is restricted to initiates. In this case cultural sensitivity is more important than a scientistic desire to know everything, and anthropological inquisitiveness must have its limits.

Yarjung was involved in preparing a display of some of the material he collected, selecting the artefacts to be shown and editing text. In the public display, rather less information was given about some of the ritual objects than had been revealed during the documentation process. While some information was `secret', other information was not seen as appropriate for public consumption. Yarjung also assisted with the in-case design. Although this resulted in a case which might appear over-crowded by the standards of contemporary design aesthetics, it was more important that associated ritual objects stay together. Items of clothing were included which are not visible within the case, but are a necessary part of a Pachyu costume.

The potency of sacred objects is diminished when located in a museum. The ritual weapons, birds' beaks and leg from a deer foetus are `dead', but in a ritual context Yarjung could make them `come alive'. In a sense, sacred objects are not the same objects when contained within museum storage boxed or display cases. Yet the objects retain some residue of power regardless of the context. This became clear in discussions about taboo and pollution. Objects which are used by a Pachyu shaman for healing are potentially dangerous to the uninitiated researcher or museum worker. Menstruating women, people who have had recent sexual contact without washing, or those thinking impure thoughts, are liable to get sick if they come in direct contact with the sacred items. In terms of display, it is fortunate that this danger only applies to people handling the objects and not to visitors to the public anthropology gallery. One wonders how the museum will screen future researchers.

The most important decision made regarding this collection has to do with ownership. Museums and curatorial staff are intrinsically possessive and a grant administered by CUMAA had paid for the collection. The entire process of accessioning and cataloguing artefacts was discussed with Yarjung at each stage and the physical area in which the material would eventually be stored was examined and approved. It was mutually agreed with Yarjung that the collection was made for the museum and that the museum `owned' the artefacts in question. However, upon closer examination it became evident that we had a different understanding of the concept of `ownership'. After a long discussion in which the legal implications of `transfer of title' documents was clarified, it became clear that a few of the more powerful objects might be needed back in Nepal for ritual purposes in the unlikely event of an unexpected crisis there. For Yarjung, relationships of trust he had developed with individuals within the department superseded the more formal and contractual relationship which is normally established between the museum and a collector. This encounter raised a number of fundamental questions. Should the museum `own' an object which, in its original cultural context, has the potential of saving souls or averting disasters? If one of the museum's main functions is to preserve objects for the future, whose future is it?

It was decided that objects which were particularly powerful and difficult to replace should be placed on deposit and not formally accessioned into the museum's collection. In general, the museum is trying to eliminate deposits as their uncertain status tends to be problematic for collections management. But in this case, administrative concerns were displaced by the ethical responsibilities of caring for sacred material. There may be certain types of material which museums do not necessarily need to own. As a research institution, CUMAA felt that the enormous benefit of learning about the objects and their uses would be sufficient justification for the project. The option of giving the artefacts the status of deposits was considered by Yarjung before returning to Nepal and it was decided that five out of approximately fifty artefacts in the collection would be recorded as deposits and the rest would be accessioned into out permanent collection.

In conjunction with a private view of the display of Pachyu religious material, the museum hosted a special Tamu event. One of the central features of the event was a thirty minute video, edited by Yarjung, which showed his work in Nepal and the ritual context of the material on exhibit. The event was also a benefit for Tamu Pye Lhu Sangh (TPLS), a Tamu community group whose self-appointed mandate is to preserve the culture and traditions of Tamu society. The Tamumai are now facing rapid change which is devastating their traditional culture. Immense problems are being caused by rising population, deterioration of the natural environment, the sudden impact of consumerism and tourism, and a significant decrease in the main area of male employment, the army (the Tamumai are one of the principle ethnic groups from which the Gurkha regiments have been recruited).

One of the aims of TPLS is to build a model Khhoinbo in Pokhara Nepal which will become a Tamu cultural centre, including a small museum, library, and photographic and video archive. The land has already been purchased and construction has begun. As a result of the Tamu event, co-organized by CUMAA, members of the Department of Anthropology, and Yarjung, a significant contribution was made to the further development of the Khhoinbo.

Front view of the case: the photograph in the top of the case shows Yarjung Kromchhain Tamu with two apprentices at a curing ritual in Sainik village in Nepal in 1992.

The figure in the case is weraing a Pa-chyu Shaman's costume. The hat is decorated wut tassels made of ancestral human hair, cowry shells, two deer horns and two tigers' teeth. The quickness of the deer and the power of the tiger offer help with fighting evil spirits and witches. The surrounding headdress is made of feathers from the male (right side) and female (left side) Himalayan pheasant. Over an everyday white shirt and kilt is a red velvet woman's shawl knotted ovre the left shoulder; this is worn during the most part of a ritual in remembrance of a powerful female Pa-chyu. The necklace, made of large seed beans, accumulates power during ritual use. A Gurkha army belt is decorated with protective cowries and twleve bells, one for each sign of the zodiac. Tucked into the belt is a holder containing porcupine quills used for spearing bad spirits. The figure holds a goatskin drum of a type specifically and used by these Shamans. 'Good' rhythms are used for curing ceremonies and 'dead' or 'bad' rhythms are used for funerals. The Shaman sits on a protective mat composed a hand-woven wool cape placed on top of a sun and rain shield. Beside the Shaman figure is a bell and dorje, a pair of ritual items commonly used by Bhuddists.

This encounter and collaboration demonstrated that compromises were necessary on both sides. In this instance, the museum has modified strict guide-lines regarding care and handling, classification systems and exclusive ownership. At the same time, Yarjung recognizes that the museum's level of spiritual care for the objects concerned is limited. Nevertheless, the project has has mutual and significant benefits. The quantity and quality of information associated with the collection is much greater than that of well-documented collections made by anthropologists during the course of fieldwork. Each stage of the project, from the collection of objects in Nepal to the opening of the display in Cambridge, has been recorded on video and we plan to edit the material to make a educational programme. The project has had significant financial benefits for TPLS and, as the work on the Khhoinbo progresses, it is anticipated that CUMAA will act as an adviser for setting up the museum and archives in Pokhara. During Yarjung's period in Cambridge, he became familiar with contemporary museum standards and practice and became adept at using computers and editing videos.

Obviously, it would be impracticable to develop special relationships like that outlined above with members of all of the hundreds of distinct cultural groups represented by our collections. Even making collections and their documentation available to a broad international audience has serious implications in terms of collections management, conservation, staffing and funding. Allowing informants to make decisions about interpretation and representation does raise questions regarding anthropological objectivity. Nevertheless, there are clear and large rewards in maintaining an open, flexible and less proprietorial attitude to curatorship.

Front view of the case; the photograph in the top of the case shows Yarjung Kromchhain Tamu with two apprentices at curing ritual in Sainik village in Nepal in 1992.

The figure in the case is wearing a Pa-chyu Shaman's costume. The hat is decorated with tassels made of ancestral human hair, cowry shells, two deer horns and two tigers' teeth. The quickness of the deer and the power of the tiger offer help with fighting evil spirits and witches. The surrounding headdress is made of feathers from the male (right side) and female (left side) Himalayan pheasant. Over an everyday white shirt and kilt is a red velvet woman's shawl knotted over the left shoulder; this is worn during the most dangerous part of a ritual in remembrance of a powerful female Pa-chyu. The necklace, made of large seed beans, accumulates power during ritual use. A Gurkha army belt is decorated with protective cowries and twelve bells, one for each sign of the zodiac. Tucked into the belt is a holder containing porcupine quills used for spearing bad spirits. The figure holds a goatskin drum of a type specifically made and used by these Shamans. `Good' rhythms are used for curing ceremonies and `dead' or `bad' rhythms are used for funerals. The Shaman sits on a protective mat composed of a hand-woven wool cape placed on top of a sun and rain shield. Beside the Shaman figure is a bell and dorje, a pair of ritual items commonly used by Buddhists.

The display of Pa-chyu Shamanistic material will remain open until June this year.

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