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Mobile peoples and conservation
Guest editorial by Dawn Chatty
from Anthropology Today, Vol. 18, No. 4, June 2002,
pp. 1-2
(c) Royal Anthropological Institute
In September, policy makers from around the world
will gather at the United Nations Summit on Sustainable Development,
bringing with them a huge amount of media attention to focus on
what is seen by many as one of the most vital issues of our time.
High on the agenda is concern about peoples impact on the
natural environment. In the 20th century, most conservation efforts
were based on romantic notions of pristine wilderness (Stevens 1997,
Chatty and Colchester 2002). Hence people found in areas identified
for protection were regularly removed, the assumption being that
people destroy nature (Geisler 2002). For decades indigenous peoples
have suffered land expropriation and outright expulsion at the hands
of national and international agencies bent on establishing reserves
and parklands to protect habitat and prevent species extinction.
The failure of many of these conventional conservation approaches
has led to a re-examination, in some quarters, of the forces which
cause environmental damage (Brandon, Redford and Sanderson 1998).
Questions have begun to be asked about some of the assumptions underlying
the exclusion of people from protected areas (see, for example,
Pimbert and Pretty 1995, Ghimire and Pimbert 1997, IIED 1994).
The Earth Summit of 1992 gave a prominent place to
indigenous and traditional peoples and recognized their importance
to any future strategies for safegaurding the environment. One need
only look, for example, at Article 22 of the Rio Declaration, which
explicitly notes that indigenous peoples and their communities
and other local communities have a vital role in environmental management
and development because of their knowledge and traditional practices.
States should recognize and duly support their identity, culture
and interests and enable their effective participation in the achievement
of sustainable development (International Alliance 1997).
The Convention on Biological Diversity which was also finalized
at the Earth Summit makes provisions relevant to indigenous peoples
in its Articles 8j and 10c. More recently, in 1996, the Worldwide
Fund for Nature International adopted a Statement of Principles
on Indigenous Peoples and Conservation (WWF 1996), and in the same
year the World Conservation Union (IUCN) adopted seven different
resolutions on Indigenous Peoples (IUCN 1996). On paper, at least,
conservationists are recognizing the important role of indigenous
peoples in creating and maintaining many of the nature reserves
which are now being protected. Their role in destroying
these environments long an argument for their dispossession
is now being challenged, with a call for empirical studies
before drawing perhaps unfounded conclusions.
This enlightened focus, however, largely falls on
settled peoples whose population density and accessibility makes
advocacy and activism, on their behalf and often in collaboration
with them, more feasible and media-friendly. For mobile people,
things are different.
Throughout most of the 20th century, nomadic
peoples of the world faced enormous pressure to change their
way of life and adapt to a more modern and settled existence.
During the first half of the 20th century an ambivalent attitude
towards nomads based on suspicion and admiration
prevailed, and various efforts at private land registration
and large-scale settlement schemes were instigated, with varying
degrees of success. With the consolidation of state power and authority
after the Second World War, however, many newly-created nations
turned on their nomadic peoples with the determined
aim of settling them in one place.1 People who moved were regarded
as a threat to the security of the settled. Their way of life was
regarded as backward, a throwback to some imagined early evolutionary
stage of human development. The international development efforts
of more recent times which have been designed to force nomadic
peoples to modernize also largely failed, resulting in social dislocation,
destroyed economies and political disempowerment. Indeed, the resulting
disintegration of these once highly mobile communities has frequently
created new problems for the nation-state. At best what emerged
was a national policy of benign neglect.
Mobile people, inhabiting extensive and seasonal tracts
of semi-arid savannah or tropical forests, largely continue to be
ignored, or else find their traditional hunting, grazing or farming
lands are still being confiscated, cordoned off and marked out as
nature reserves without consultation.2 It is the very
fact of their mobility and need to move that acts against them on
the national and international stage. In a world where land law
is written by those of fixed abode and is defined by private property,
not common property, it is difficult to make a case of land loss
when the aggrieved party is not permanently situated on the contested
site. Thus mobile peoples, be they hunters and gatherers, pastoralists
or swidden farmers, have systematically been sidelined from the
growing movement to recognize indigenous rights in conservation
and biodiversity. Mobile peoples widespread distribution over
vast tracts of land, their extremely low land-people ratios, and
the distrust with which governments treat such groups have rendered
them largely marginalized, if not invisible, and muted, if not disenfranchised
and disempowered.
One step in the direction of specific recognition
of the rights and contributions of mobile peoples in conservation
and biodiversity was taken in Jordan this past April. A group of
concerned professionals, including social and natural scientists
from all regions of the world, met in the Wadi Dana Nature Reserve
on 3-7 April 2002 to consider a comprehensive approach to mobile
peoples and conservation. The conference participants, recognizing
the imprecise character of the phrase mobile peoples
and its exclusionary nature, accepted the term as a starting point
for discussion. Towards the close of the meeting they had agreed
to clarify the term mobile peoples to mean a subset
of indigenous and traditional peoples whose livelihoods depend on
extensive common property use of natural resources over an area,
who use mobility as a management strategy for sustainable use and
conservation, and who possess a distinctive cultural identity and
natural resource management system. At the end of this five-day
meeting, the conference agreed the following declaration:
The world faces unprecedented threats
to the conservation and sustainable use of its biodiversity. At
the same time, its cultural and linguistic diversity, which includes
an immeasurable and irreplaceable range of knowledge and skills,
is being lost at an alarming rate.
The linked pressures of human population dynamics, unsustainable
consumption patterns, climate change and global and national economic
forces threaten both the conservation of biological resources and
the livelihoods of many indigenous and traditional peoples. In particular,
mobile peoples now find themselves constrained by forces beyond
their control, which put them at a special disadvantage.
Mobile peoples are discriminated against. Their rights, including
rights of access to natural resources, are often denied and conventional
conservation practices do not address their concerns adequately.
These factors, together with the pace of global change, undermine
their lifestyles, reduce their ability to live in balance with nature
and threaten their very existence as distinct peoples.
Nonetheless, through their traditional resource use practices and
culture-based respect for nature, many mobile peoples are still
making a significant contribution to the maintenance of the earths
ecosystems, species and genetic diversity even though this
often goes unrecognized. Thus the interests of mobile peoples and
conservation converge, especially as they face a number of common
challenges. There is therefore an urgent need to create a mutually
reinforcing partnership between mobile peoples and those involved
with conservation.
The participants at the Wadi Dana Conference have
committed themselves to promoting conservation practices for mobile
peoples based on the set of principles which has come to be known
as the Dana Declaration (for the full text of the declaration see
www.danadeclaration.org). As we approach the Rio plus 10 conference
in Johannesburg and as the conservation world prepares for the World
Parks Congress in Durban in 2003, it is timely that the Dana Declaration
is taken on board. It serves to remind us that protecting the full
cultural diversity of our planet, the settled and the mobile, in
its continuous adaptation to its environment, is also part of safeguarding
the broader biodiversity that we all seek to preserve.
Dawn Chatty is Senior Dulverton Fellow and Deputy
Director of the Refugee Studies Centre, Queen Elizabeth House, University
of Oxford. Her research interests include pastoral nomadism and
conservation, gender and development, health, illness and culture,
and coping strategies of the young in prolonged conflict situations.
Her email is dawn.chatty@qeh.ox.ac.uk.
1. For example, first Saudi Arabia and then its neighbours
have attempted to settle their pastoral populations. Settlement
schemes in Saudi Arabia date back to the 1920s (Chatty 1996). The
Al-Artawiya settlement, for example, achieved a population of over
35,000 but was destroyed after the 1929 revolt of the Ikhwan. Later
schemes financed by oil revenues and built at tremendous expense
also failed (e.g. the Wadi al-Sarhan project, the King Faysal Settlement
Project).
2. In parts of North and South America and in Southeast Asia, partnerships
between conservationists and indigenous peoples NGOs are common.
These challenge national and international perceptions of indigenous
and traditional peoples roles in sustainable biodiversity
and conservation. In other parts of the world, such as the Middle
East and large parts of Africa, such partnerships do not exist and
conservationists largely plan, and implement, conservation projects
with little more than the passive participation of local peoples
(see Chatty and Colchester 2002).
Brandon, K. et al. (eds) 1998. Parks in peril. Washington,
DC: Island Press.
Chatty, D. 1976. From camel to truck. Folk 18: 113-128.
1996. Mobile pastoralists. New York: Columbia UP.
Chatty, D. and Colchester, M. (eds) 2002. Conservation and mobile
indigenous peoples. Oxford and NY: Berghahn Press.
IIED 1994. Whose Eden. London: IIED.
International Alliance 1996. Indigenous peoples, forest and biodiversity.
Copenhagen: International Alliance of Indigenous-Tribal peoples
of the Tropical Forests and IWGA.
Geisler, C. 2002. Endangered humans. Foreign Policy [www.foreignpolicy.com/
issue_mayjune_ 2002/
geisler.html].
Ghimire, K. et al. (eds) 1997. Social change and conservation. London:
Earthscan Publications.
Pimbert, M. et al. 1995. Parks, people and professionals. Geneva:
UN Research Inst. for Social Devt.
Stevens, S. (ed.) 1997. Conservation through cultural survival.
Washington, DC: Island Press.
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