dis_world

The series of
DISAPPEARING WORLD

January 2000

from the INTERNATIONAL VIDEO SALES LIST

The Royal Anthropological Institute
50 Fitzroy Street
London W1T 5BT
United Kingdom

The holdings below are arranged in alphabetical order by title, except when the titles begin with the words `The' or `A', whereupon the cassettes are alphabetised by the word following these two.

The video cassettes are available in PAL and NTSC world-wide and cost £50.00 per programme.

ACROSS THE TRACKS: THE VLACH GYPSIES OF HUNGARY

`Across the Tracks' is a gripping film for the general viewer.... It is beautifully filmed in observational style (lingering scenes of muddy courtyards) with enough subtitled interview material to provide context. A. Sutherland

Rom is the word that describes Vlach Gypsies, unassimilated descendents of Gypsy slaves in Wallachia in Romania in the 19th century. A larger group, the Romungro, are more obviously part of Hungarian society: they speak Hungarian, not Romany. Romungros are the people who play violins in restaurants; `true' Rom, the Vlach, wouldn't dream of it. The total Gypsy population in Hungary forms 3% of the Hungarian population the same proportion as people of Asian or Caribbean origin in Britain.

This Disappearing World film explores the Vlach Gypsies' position in socialist Hungary through the eyes of three related families. Maron and her husband Jozi work in conventional jobs where work is compulsory: this is the fundamental first principle of the `official' economy. Maron and Jozi use their income to improve their impoverished lives. They are becoming more like the gazo the contemptuous Romany term for all Hungarians, meaning `peasants'.

Jozi's first wife, Terez, and her husband Mokus try to realise their dreams in a more Gypsy-like fashion. Terez scavenges in rubbish bins for bread to fatten pigs which she hopes to sell for Mokus to buy horses. Mokus reluctantly works in a factory but wants to be a horse dealer like his brother-in-law Sera. He is disqualified from work by a dubious disability, and instead buys and sells horses, `turning money around, so that more comes to me.'

The market is central to the Gypsy economy, but is not seen as a means of accumulating wealth. The market exists to circulate wealth, to ensure money passes through as many hands as possible so that all may benefit from it. If a Gypsy acquires money, he is expected to celebrate with his friends, his `brothers'. Horses are like temporary bank deposits, ready to be exchanged or cashed in when a `brother' needs money.

This film provides an interesting view of the tensions between the Hungarian state and the Gypsies, and of the complex contradictions of the Gypsies' lives. It is recommended for classes in anthropology, sociology, European studies, ethnicity, ecology, and political studies.

J. Okely, 1984. The Traveller-Gypsies. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

M. Stewart, 1989. `True Speech'. Man N.S. Vol. 24, pp. 79101.

A. Sutherland, 1975. Gypsies: The Hidden Americans. Tavistock, London.

A. Sutherland, 1989. `Across the Tracks: The Vlach Gypsies of Hungary'. Anthropology Today, Vol. 5, No. 1, pp. 2021.

THE BASQUES OF SANTAZI

In her book `The Circle of Mountains' Sandra Ott provided a fascinating analysis of social reciprocity.... The film highlights the village's contemporary dilemmas and thereby complements rather than visualises the arguments in Ott's published ethnography.... The approach is to be applauded since the book and the film now make excellent companion pieces that can usefully be employed in any course on European ethnography. William Douglass

This film follows the lives over one year, shot during three intervals, of two Basque shepherding families who live in Santazi, a village in the foothills of the French Pyrenees. The film is the only Disappearing World film made in western Europe and it focuses on the continuity and change in the community.

Change has come to the village of Santazi in recent years along the avenues of introduced roads and improved communication systems with the outside world. The effects stretch from people's relationship with the Catholic religion to inheritance customs. Television has of course also entered these villagers' homes. The traditional life of shepherding is also changing amidst the conflict of interest between those who have formed a syndicated in an effort to maintain the viability of shepherding and the sons who have taken jobs as linemen for the electricity company. This film shows the rationality behind the choice the villagers are making.

This film is recommended for courses in anthropology, sociology, culture change, and European communities.

W. Douglass, 1987. Review of the film. Anthropology Today, Vol. 3, No. 5 pp. 1718.

S. Ott, 1981. The Circle of Mountains. Oxford University Press, Oxford.

S. Ybarrola, 1988. Review of the film. American Anthropologist, Vol. 90, pp. 104546.

A CLEARING IN THE JUNGLE

In common with many other Indian groups in South America, the culture of the Panare Indians of Venezuela is threatened by their almost daily contact with neighbouring creoles, Spanish-speaking peasants. However, in spite of nearly fifty years of interaction, their culture has remained distinctively Indian.

The film focuses on activities of their daily life, such as making cassava, preparing blow-darts, hunting and gathering. The Indians strongly resented the presence of the camera-crew; indeed, as Dumont points out early in the film, they were loath to reveal details of their belief-system even to him, although he had been living with them for eighteen months.

This was the first and the shortest of the films in the Disappearing World series. Although useful and interesting, it is relatively superficial and its commentary contains some anthropological oddities: it cannot be compared with the much more sophisticated films made later in the series.

J.-P. Dumont, 1976. Under the Rainbow: Nature and Supernature among Panare. University of Texas Press, Austin.

J.-P. Dumont, 1979. The Headman and I: Ambiguity and Ambivalence in the Fieldworking Experience. University of Texas Press, Austin.

THE DERVISHES OF KURDISTAN

52 minutes Colour
Director: Brian Moser
Anthropologists: Ali Bulookbashi and André Singer

A community of Kurds resident in Iran on the border with Iraq forms the subject of this film. Many of the inhabitants of the community are refugees from Kurdish areas of Iraq and the villagers are Qadiri Dervishes followers of an ecstatic mystical cult of Islam. The unusual manifestations of the Qadiri Dervish faith are explored in this film, both in the context of religious ceremonies and everyday life, with the main focus on the spiritual and temporal power wielded by their leader, Sheikh Hussein.

For the Durvishes, Hussein is the direct representative of Allah and, therefore, by serving the Sheikh they are also serving God. In rituals presided over by him they have the power to carry out acts which would normally be harmful, such as having electricity passed through their bodies, eating glass, handling poisonous snakes and skewering their faces. The film includes interviews, not only with members of the cult, but also with the local mullah (representative of orthodox Islam), in an attempt to explore the difference between those two manifestations of the same faith.

The film is visually compelling, especially the sequences showing religious celebration and ceremony.

F. Barth, 1953. Principles of Social Organisation in South Kurdistan. Universitetets Etnografiske Museum Bulletin No. 7, Oslo.

A. Singer, 1973. `Dervishes'. In T. Stacey (editorial director) Peoples of the World, Vol. 15, Western and Central Asia, Tom Stacey and Europa Verlag, [London.]

A. Singer, 1974. `The Dervishes of Kurdistan'. Asian Affairs, Vol. 61, Part 2, pp. 179182.

M. Van Bruinessen, 1978. Agha, Shaikh and State. On the Social and Political Organization of Kurdistan. Utrecht.

EMBERA THE END OF THE ROAD

The way of life of the 10,000 Embera Indians who live in the Choco region of Colombia, South American, is threatened by the encroachments of Negro Libres (descendants of freed slaves) and by the expansion of the Pan-American highway which cuts through their land.

The film's main concern is to show the effects of interaction between the Embera river dwellers and two groups of outsiders: the Libres with whom they trade, and the local Catholic mission which administers education, religion and civil justice. Although the Embera are exploited by the Libres (who, for example, sell them hunting dogs at very high prices) both groups are poor and largely without rights in Colombian society. In an interview, the Embera explain to the anthropologist that they want protection from the physical attacks of the Libres and legal rights over the land which they have inhabited for many years. Sequences such as this bring out the Embera's plight: they are caught between the bulldozers and the banknotes of the Libres. We are shown the material culture and way of life of the Indians (canoe building, pot making, hunting, curing rituals) but not in a romanticised way, and the polemical organisation of the film allows the ethnographic details of the life of these river Indians to be placed in a wide social and economic context.

A. Deluz, 1975. `L'initiation d'un chamane Embera'. Bulletin de la Societe des Americanistes, No. 39, pp.511.

L.C. Faron, 1962. `Marriage, Residence and Domestic Group among Panamanian Choco'. Ethnology, Vol. 1, pp. 1338.

G. Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1960. `Notas Etnograficas sobre los Indios del Choco'. Revista Colombiana de Antropologia, IX, pp.73158.

G. Stipek, Jr., 1974. `The Kindred as a Corporate Group: the Embera Example'. Presented at 73rd Annual Meeting of American Anthropological Association, Mexico.

THE ESKIMOS OF POND INLET

For the Eskimos of Pond Inlet a new village in North Baffin Island in which they have been settled by the Canadian Government the life of the semi-nomadic hunter has given way to that of wage-labourer, in what appears as a pre-fabricated `township'. Although hunting provides an important supplement to the Eskimos' income, it is now a part-time activity, and since 1975 (ten years after the start of the government's housing programme) nobody has lived all year round in hunting camps. For the older inhabitants of Pond Inlet, the old way of life is still vivid (in 1935 only 37 Eskimos lived in the village) and their reminiscences and recollections form part of a powerful statement about the present situation. These statements take the form of monologues, or comments addressed to friends and family about the effects of fifty years of contact with whites.

Apart from these `interviews' with the Eskimos, the film accompanies one family grandfather, father, mother and children as they go out hunting seals and jigging for fish. The visual contrast between the splendours of the open spaces of snow and water and the township of Pond Inlet is a startling one which reinforces the Eskimos' statements. We also see one member of this family selling seal skins in a trade store, and captioned information is given about the cost of maintaining the hunter's equipment and what he can expect to earn in any one year.

The material was filmed during a seven week period in June and July 1975. A sophisticated `observational' style is used, with long takes, few pans, no commentary or formal interviews and full subtitling. Caption cards are used to good effect, conveying necessary information without intruding on the narrative. These `technical' factors have important consequences for the film's anthropological value, not least because one of the aims was to enable the Eskimos to `speak for themselves'. Although it would be naive to suggest that the `people's voice' manages to override the exigencies of making such a film for a 52 minute television slot, the Eskimos did have a say in the making of the film, and one of them was also involved in the editing. The striking oratorical style of the Eskimos awakens the viewer to the point that in this film they are addressing the Whites, voicing their distrust, having overcome the fear with which they first encountered these `visitors' to the people's land.

H. Brody, 1975. The People's Land: Eskimos and Whites in the Eastern Arctic. Penguin, Harmondsworth.

H. Brody, 1975. `Seeming to be Real: Disappearing World and the Film in Pond Inlet', Cambridge Anthropology, Special Issue on Ethnographic Film, pp.2231.

D. Riches, 1976. Review of the film. RAIN, 13, p.7.

IN SEARCH OF COOL GROUND: THE MURSI TRILOGY

What made this trilogy special was that, unlike most television reportage, it had a temporal dimension. That is to say, it offered not a brutal, intrusive and uncomprehending snapshot, but a sympathetic, well-informed and thoughtful history of ten difficult years in the life of a tribe. Its insight derived from an anthropologist, David Turton, who has been studying the Mursi for years and who was able to provide the absolutely essential explanations of the mysterious events filmed by the Granada crew. This is the kind of illumination which is often provided by books or by personal experience, but almost never by television. John Naughton

This is a trilogy about aspects of the culture of two groups of people, the Kwegu and the Mursi, in Ethiopia. The titles are:

J. Naughton, 1985. Review of the trilogy. The Listener (London), 24 October.

W. Shack, 1987. Review of the trilogy. American Anthropologist, Vol. 89, pp. 78081.

KATARAGAMA: A GOD FOR ALL SEASONS

In ever-increasing numbers Sinhalese of all religions (Muslims, Christians and Buddhists) are turning to Kataragama, an ancient Hindu God, at times of trouble and desperation. Once a year pilgrims make the journey to Kataragama's shrine in southeast Sri Lanka (Ceylon) to fulfil vows by performing acts of penance and worship in payment for a favour received. Kataragama is called on to help with a wide range of problems (unemployment, sickness, examinations, personal relationships) and is appealed to by people of all social backgrounds, notably the growing middle class and urban dwellers.

A good third of the film is concerned with the annual festival, showing the often gruesome and sensational acts which the pilgrims perform including fire-walking, and the piercing of body and tongue with needles all acts designed to obtain forgiveness and grace. One man is suspended from hooks in his back a self-torture undertaken with apparent joy by a man who, like many others that perform such acts, feels himself (after a time) to be possessed by the God's spirit.

These rather sensational acts are interwoven with the story of a peasant family whose son has disappeared, leading them eventually to seek help from Kataragama. The unfolding of this personal drama (with reconstruction of early episodes, and voice-over to detail their thoughts and feelings) forms the context for the events we see at the festival. The effect of the interweaving of these two `stories' is to place the otherwise purely exotic spectacle of the pilgrims' acts of penance within a universally understandable social context that of the despair of a family whose young son is lost. The unplanned return of the boy, apparently in response to the family's appeal to Kataragama, provides a dramatic and moving finale to a film which has been compared in some respects to the great Italian neo-realist films. Clearly this film is an important one both for anthropologists and those concerned with ethnographic film per se.

R. Gombrich, 1974. Review of the film. RAIN, 3, pp.89.

G. Obeyesekere, 1977. `Social Change and the Deities: Rise of the Kataragama Cult in Modern Sri Lanka'. Man, Vol. 12, Nos.3/4. pp.377396.

THE KAWELKA: ONGKA'S BIG MOKA

52 minutes Colour
Director: Charlie Nairn
Anthropologists: Andrew and Marilyn Strathern

Ongka is a charismatic big-man of the Kawelka tribe who live scattered in the Western highlands, north of Mount Hagen, in New Guinea. The film focuses on the motivations and efforts involved in organising a big ceremonial gift-exchange or moka planned to take place sometime in 1974. Ongka has spent nearly five years preparing for this ceremonial exchange, using all his big-man skills of oratory and persuasion in order to try to assemble what he hopes will be a huge gift of 600 pigs, some cows, some cassowaries, a motorcycle, a truck and £5,500 in cash. As an example of the big-man familiar from written texts, Ongka is memorable, and the film manages to convey through this main character the importance of pigs, of exchange and of prestige in the life of these Highlanders.

The film-crew never in fact managed to film the big moka, as the conspiratorial and complex manoeuvres involved in setting the date thwarted their plans. But we are shown Ongka replacing tee-shirt and shorts with his ceremonial feathers and setting off to a little moka where he collects pigs he `invested' with his wife's father. The interview with Ongka's wife raises the issue of the sexual division of labour and the importance of the wife's labour in pig-rearing and moka preparation, as well as the role of women in the establishment of a big-man. As a teaching aid to complement the written material (listed below) this film is highly effective.

J. Leach, 1975. Review of the film. RAIN, 7, pp.78. See reply by A. Strathern in RAIN, 8, 1975, pp.1617.

A. Strathern, 1971. The Rope of Moka. Cambridge University Press.

A. Strathern, 1979. Ongka: A Self Account by a New Guinea Big-Man. Duckworth, London.

THE KAYAPO

51 minutes Colour 1987
Filmmaker: Michael Beckham
Anthropologist: Terence Turner

Professor Terry Turner explained this truly extraordinary situation in a lucid, intelligent and unpatronizing commentary.... Mike Beckham directed this splendid film with great pace. The result is an important and accurate picture of two contrasting essays in acculturation. It was also gripping television for a prime-time audience. J. Hemming

This film focuses on the conflicts and determination of a group of people trying to survive and maintain their ethnic identity in the face of almost overpowering odds. The film contrasts the reactions of two groups of Kayapo to outside influence. The Kapot have opposed contact and resisted both non-indigenous Brazilian settlers and gold miners. The Gorotire, by contrast, were invaded by gold miners who strip-mined their land and polluted their rivers. The miners paid the Gorotire very little for the destruction until 1985 when the Gorotire forced the miners to raise the commission by 5% when 200 warriors seized the airstrip. This commission amounts to two million dollars per year for the tribe and the tribe is learning to cope with the money, both with the problems it brings and the power it gives. They have trained several of their number to deal effectively with the outside world on behalf of the rest of the tribe and they now run a plane (and hire a pilot) to patrol their land against intruders.

The Kapot, in their own way, are also trying to assert their identity and independence. This portion of the film shows the Kapot in the traditional activities of building and dismantling a hunting camp. The hunters returning with the tortoises they have caught are a particularly impressive sight. The now famous Chief Rop-ni is featured as a leader of the Kapot and he states eloquently his opposition to the Gorotire's acceptance of the gold miners. Despite their adherence to tradition, however, the Kapot use modern technology video, radios, etc. to protect their interests and record their rituals.

This is a political film and would be excellent for courses in anthropology, Latin American studies, ecology, development, and international politics.

J. Hemming, 1987. Review of the film. Anthropology Today, Vol. 3, No. 4, p. 20.

P. Riviere 1989. Review of the film in Anthropology Today, Vol. 2, No. 2, pp. 21315.

THE KAYAPO·OUT OF THE FOREST

Early in 1989 the Kayapo rallied other Brazilian Indians to attend a reunification of the tribes at Altamira·the proposed site of a massive hydro-electric dam, that will flood large parts of the Xingu valley. The gathering also served as a media event as the Kayapo and their allies demonstrated their case to the assembled international press. The film focuses on the Kayapo's ability to manipulate the media, including Chief Rop-ni stage-managing his entrance to arrive with the pop star Sting. However, much of the power of this film, made for Granada Television's Disappearing World series, comes from the tensions that revolve around the intricate planning behind the Altamira meeting. A Kayapo warrior, Pakayan, brings together previously hostile and warring factions in a common cause. Tension mounts when, only days before the conference, he is rushed to hospital for major surgery, and must force himself from his hospital bed to ensure the survival of the alliance he has carved.

V. Lea, 1986. Nomes e Nekrets Kayapó: Uma Concepcao de Rigueza. PhD thesis (3 vols.), Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro

S. Nugent, 1989. Review of the film in Anthropology Today Vol. 5, No. 5, pp. 1819.

D. Posney, 1988. `Kayapo Indian Natural Resource Management'. In C. Padoch and J. Denselo (eds.) Peoples of the Rainforest. University of California Press. pp. 8990.

T. Turner, 1978. `The Kayapo of Central Brazil'. In A. Sutherland (ed.) Face Values. BBC Publications, London. pp. 245279. [`The Kayapo of Central Brazil' and `The Social Skin' are written for a general audience, the former dealing with social and political structure and the latter with social values and the cultural constitution of the person (thus touching on many of the same themes as the Jaguar film). For those interested in pushing further with the ideas raised in the Jaguar film, see T. Turner, 1980 `Le Dénicheur d'Oiseaux en Contexte', Anthropologie et Sociétés, Vol. 4, No. 3, pp. 85115, and articles by Gustaaf Verswijver.]

T. Turner, 1979. `The Gê and Bororo Societies as Dialectical Systems'. In D. Maybury-Lewis (ed.) Dialectical Societies. Harvard University Press.

T. Turner, 1979. `Kinship, Household and Community Structure among the Kayapo'. ibid.

T. Turner, 1980. `The Social Skin'. In J. Cherfas (ed.) Not Work Alone. London.

T. Turner, 1985. `Animal Symbolism, Totemism and the Structure of Myth'. In P. Urton (ed.) Animals, Myths and Metaphor in South America. University of Uta Press. pp. 49107.

T. Turner, 1990. `Visual Media, Cultural Politics, and Anthropological Practice. Some Implications of Recent Uses of Film and Video among the Kayapo of Brazil'. C.V.A. Review, Spring 1990, pp. 813. [In this article Turner discusses the context in which The Kayapo and The Kayapo Out of the Forest were made.]

L. Vidal, 1977. Morte a Vida numa Sociedade Indigena Brasileira. Ed. Hucitec, Sao Paolo.

THE KAZAKHS OF CHINA

The Kazakhs of Xinjiang (Sinkiang) are one of the fifty-five national minorities that now live within the borders of the People's Republic of China. The policy of the Chinese Communist Party toward these people has been one of Sinofication, a neutralization of `reactionary' local leaders and an alliance of Han Chinese with the indigenous culture. Xinjiang is a particularly sensitive area for the Chinese because of the traditional ties of the Kazakh with the Soviet Union. In 1962, some 50,000 Kazakhs and other non-Han peoples sought refuge in the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic. Since then, the Sino-Soviet border has been closed, and until recently the entire area was off-limits to non-Chinese outsiders. This film offers unique ethnographic material about the Kazakh, as well as about Chinese policies in the years following the Cultural Revolution.

The film follows the movement of the family of Abdul Gair, illustrated the cycles and tensions of present day Kazakhs, mixes detail of their traditional life as herders with suggestion of the effect of Chinese rule. The Chinese government allowed the filmmakers freedom to choose the subjects and people for the interviews and action sequences. Because of this, the film expresses, to a great extent, the view of the filmmaker, not of the Chinese government. Against a background of the Tienshan Mountains, the Kazakhs are shown branding yaks, milking mares, drinking kumis (fermented mare's milk), making their yearly move from winter to summer quarters, and setting up their felt-covered summer tents. Then, through the trip of Ahmed the production team leader to the brigade headquarters, the film portrays the relations between Kazakh and Han, showing the brigade's authority. Rather than livestock, formerly a mark of wealth being owned for individual profit, production and gain is now controlled by the brigade leaders. Women are given more freedom within the community. Kazakh children now have an opportunity for education in the Kazakh language, but the teaching is largely Party doctrine; they have health care, but this again is Chinese. Yet, despite pre-1977 restrictions on local religion and nomadic culture, and although Abdul Gair is himself a Party member, the Chinese do not, as yet, control the Kazakh. The Kazakh have retained their horses, not only as wealth, but as a means of freedom.

Here, as in other cultures where a strong centralized government controls a minority, the continued cultural independence of the Kazakh is an open question. The Chinese policy is currently to move as many Han as possible from the overcrowded central areas of China to the less populated border areas such as Xinjiang. This film gives an understanding, not only of a Kazakh society, but also insights into current change, of the conflicts of domination and independence.

S. Akiner, 1984. Islamic Peoples of the Soviet Union. Kegan Paul International, London.

E. Bacon, 1966. Central Asians under Russian Rule: A Study in Culture Change. Cornell University Press, Ithaca N.Y.

Fei Hsiao-tung, 1981. Towards a People's Anthropology. New World Press, Beijing.

S. Feuchtwang, 1983. Review of the film. RAIN, No. 57, p. 10.

A.E. Hudson, 1938. Kazak Social Structure. Yale University Press, New Haven.

L. Krader, 1966. Peoples of Central Asia. Uralic and Altaic Series, Vol. 26, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana.

G. Moseley, 1966. A Sino-Soviet Cultural Frontier: The Ili Kazakh Autonomous Chou. East Asian Research Center, Cambridge, Mass.

H.G. Schwarz, 1984. The Minorities of Northern China. Center for East Asian Studies, Western Washington University, Bellingham, Washington. [Bibliography mostly in Chinese; relevant pages for Kazakhs of China pp. 1726 and pp. 25963.]

A. Singer with L. Woodhead, 1988. Disappearing World: Television and Anthropology. Granada Television Ltd., Boxtree.

THE KIRGHIZ OF AFGHANISTAN

The Kirghiz of Afghanistan are a group of some 2,000 pastoralists living on a bleak mountain plateau in a narrow isthmus of land between the borders of the Soviet Union and China. For nine months of the year heavy snows cover the ground, which was formerly used only by the Kirghiz for their summer pastures before the borders were closed, virtually terminating the contact of this group with other Kirghiz communities. Although the film shows dramatically the ten-day journey which lowland traders must make to reach this remote people, as well as scenes of a Kirghiz wedding and the traditional Central Asian sport of `buzkashi' demonstrating the horse-riding skills of the people there is very little about the pastoral economy and society of the ordinary Kirghiz.

The main reason for this is that the film focuses on the remarkable wealth and authority of their leader the Khan by far the wealthiest pastoralist on the plateau. Ninety-five Kirghiz families work for him as shepherds and herders. The film's principal concern is to show the way in which the Khan wields his power (using interviews with him and illustrative scenes) which thus turns The Kirghiz into a study of oppressive paternalism in this remote corner of the world. There is, however, some disagreement over the interpretation of the Khan's role (see correspondence in RAIN listed below).

R. Dor, 1975. Contribution à l étude des Kirghiz du Pamir Afghan. Publication Orientalistes de France, Paris.

R. Dor and C. Naumann, 1978. Die Kirghisen des Afghanischen Pamir. Graz, Austria.

N. Shahrani, 1976. `Kirghiz Pastoralists of the Afghan Pamirs', Folk, Vol. 18, pp. 129143.

N. Shahrani, 1979. The Kirghiz and Wakhi of Afghanistan. University of Washington Press, Seattle.

A. Singer, 1976. `Problems of Pastoralism in the Afghan Pamirs'. Asian Affairs, Vol. 63, Pt. 2, pp. 156160.

N. Tapper, 1976. Review of the film. RAIN, 13, p.6. See also correspondence in RAIN, 16, pp.1011.

THE KWEGU

`The Kwegu' is an entirely tasteful and dignified presentation of the harsh realities of subsistence living, and it may help us understand how, even in stateless societies, dominated groups come to accept their domination as part of the natural order. A. Southall

The Kwegu are hunters and cultivators who live along the banks of the River Omo in Southwestern Ethiopia. They are experts on the river, manipulating their dugout canoes through a swift current where falling overboard could mean delivery into the jaws of a crocodile. The Mursi are cattle herders and cultivators who live with the Kwegu for several months of the year. This film is about the relationship between these two groups of people.

The Mursi number about 5,000 and the Kwegu about 500. Both groups cultivate flood land along the Omo during the dry season, when the Mursi may also bring their cattle to the river. But the Kwegu keep themselves separate from the Mursi; they speak their own language among themselves, although they are bilingual and communicate with the Mursi only in Mursi. When the Mursi and Kwegu share a village, the Kwegu houses usually form a separate cluster.

When a Kwegu marries, a vital part of the bridewealth is livestock. But since the Kwegu do not keep cattle, a system of exchange has developed whereby the Kwegu perform services in exchange for Mursi cattle. In addition to providing bridewealth cattle, the Mursi patron protects `his' Kwegu from other Mursi and acts on his behalf in bridewealth negotiations. In return the Kwegu provides his patron with honey and game meat and is available to ferry him and his family across the Omo when needed. This is a vital economic service, since the Mursi cultivate on both banks of the river and yet do not, unlike the Kwegu, live at the Omo all the year round. The Kwegu are therefore `guardians' of the canoes as well as ferrymen.

There is some debate about the nature of the Mursi-Kwegu relationship. The anthropologist advisor for the film, David Turton, sees the relationship as one of domination. The Mursi depend economically on the Kwegu more than the Kwegu do on them, and yet the Kwegu see themselves as dependent, in a different, more extreme sense, on the Mursi: they cannot marry without the aid of Mursi patron. The Mursi exploit the economic services of the Kwegu through their control of Kwegu marriage. Jean Lydall, in her review of the film in RAIN (June 1982), suggests another interpretation for the exchange of services. She wonders if indeed the Kwegu are not making the Mursi `pay through the nose´ for the services they require. This film suggests that far from being second-class citizens, the Kwegu are sharp manipulators who have acquired protection and material wealth by making their services indispensable to the Mursi. Turton defended his interpretation in a reply to Lydall (RAIN, No. 51, pp. 1012) and has more recently provided a more detailed description and analysis of the Mursi-Kwegu relationship, following the same argument as developed in the film but including much additional ethnographic information (Turton, 1986). The Kwegu won the Grand Prix du Festival at the Festival International du Film de Grand Reportage in Paris.

This film is the second part of a trilogy, In Search of Cool Ground (see entry). The film is particularly recommended for courses in anthropology, African studies, patronclient relationships, ethnicity and multi-cultural studies.

D..J.J. Brown, 1983. `The Kwegu' (letter). RAIN, No. 55, p. 12.

J. Lydall, 1982. Review of the film. RAIN, No. 50, pp. 2224.

A. Singer with L. Woodhead, 1988. Disappearing World: Television and Anthropology. Granada Television Ltd., Boxtree.

A. Southall, 1984. Review of the film. American Anthropologist, Vol. 86, pp. 51213.

D. Turton, 1977. `Response to Drought: The Mursi of Southwest Ethiopia'. In J.P. Garlick and R.W.J. Keay (eds.) Human Ecology in the Tropics. Taylor and Francis, London. (Reprinted in Disasters, Vol. 1, No. 4, 1977).

D. Turton, 1982. `The Kwegu' (letter). RAIN, No. 51, pp. 1012.

D. Turton, 1986. `A Problem of Domination at the Periphery: The Kwegu and the Mursi'. In W. James and D. Donham (eds.) The Southern Marches of Imperial Ethiopia: Essays in History and Social Anthropology. Cambridge University Press.

L. Woodhead, 1987. A Box Full of Spirits: Adventures of a Film Maker in Africa. Heinemann, London.

THE LAST OF THE CUIVA

The film focuses on recent changes in the culture and society of the Cuiva, hunters and gatherers in a remote forest region of south-eastern Colombia, brought about through contact with Colombian settlers. Two groups of Cuiva are shown: one is relatively isolated, while the other has had extensive contacts with the settlers. The first group live a nomadic life moving frequently: the men hunt and fish, the women gather. The second group has been drawn into the Colombian economy, working occasionally for the ranchers to earn money to buy trade goods.

The film also usefully includes interviews with white ranchers, showing their racist attitudes to the Indians, whom in the past they feared and on whose land they are now continually encroaching.

The basic incompatibility between the economic systems of the Cuiva (based on communal distribution of food, gift-giving and receiving), and that of the settlers who attempt to survive within the world-capitalist market, is startlingly illustrated. Unlike later films in the series, The Last of the Cuiva relies on a moving commentary recorded during filming by the French-Canadian anthropologist, Bernard Arcand, who emphasises that the traditional way of life of the Cuiva (whom he describes, following Sahlins, as exemplifying the `original affluent society') will be seriously damaged by these contacts with whites. Rather than giving a more conventional anthropological description, Arcand's commentary is a humanist plea for the survival of hunter-gatherer groups, and carries an implicit criticism of western lifestyles.

B. Arcand, 1972. The Urgent Situation of the Cuiva Indians of Colombia, Document No. 7, International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, Copenhagen. (Available from Survival International, 36 Craven Street, London WC2.)

B. Arcand, 1979. `The Cuiva Band'. In G. A. Smith and D.H. Turner (eds.), Challenging Anthropology: A Critical Introduction to Social and Cultural Anthropology. McGraw Hill, Toronto.

P. and D. Maybury-Lewis, 1974. Review of the film. American Anthropologist, Vol. 76, pp.487489.

THE LAU OF MALAITA

Pierre Miranda and a team from Granada Television have made a fine film exploring the trouble realities of the people of the lagoon in the 1980s. B. Shore

51 minutes Colour 1987
Filmmaker: Leslie Woodhead
Anthropologist: Pierre Maranda

This film focuses on the people of Lau lagoon in the Solomon Islands who live on artificial islands near the island of Malaita. These islands are built of coral rubble and the people moved to them in an attempt to escape the dangers of malaria and enemies, and to find better fishing.

The film focuses on change and conflict. The concept of `custom' is vital to the islanders' identity, yet this is being eroded, particularly by Christian missionaries. The conflict between Christian and Pagan now pervades daily life, creating divisions in families and eroding knowledge of traditional life. Two `custom' priests recently committed ritual suicide, one by swimming under a canoe containing women and the other by deliberately making a mistake in a ceremony. Within weeks, both priests physically died.

The despair in the ability of `custom' to continue that these priests must have felt is presented visually throughout the film. Few of the islanders remember more than a fraction of the hundreds of traditional spirits and the young are turning more and more to the traditions and commodities of Western culture. This theme is a common one makes it no less powerful or relevant.

Spurred by the presence of the Disappearing World camera crew, the islanders built a house in which to store their traditional and ritual objects. A commendable act of preservation on the part of the islanders, but at the same time the implications of their act are saddening. They are taking their ritual things out of the sphere of living, daily tradition and placing them in the realm of objective history.

The Lau is recommended for courses in anthropology, sociology, development, culture change, Melanesia, religion, and ecology.

B. Burt, 1988. Review of the film in Visual Anthropology Vol. 1, No. 4, pp. 48283.

C. E. Fox, 1974. Lau Dictionary with English Index. Australian National University Press, Canberra.

P. Gathercole, 1987. Review of the film. Anthropology Today, Vol. 3, No. 4, p. 20.

W.G. Ivens, 1930. The Island Builders of the Pacific. Lippincott, Philadelphia.

E.K. Maranda, 1978. `The Averted Gift: The Lau Myth of the Seeker of Exchange'. Yearbook of Symbolic Anthropology, Vol. 1, pp. 3750.

P. Maranda, 1985. `Un Ici Ailleurs'. In S. Genest (ed.) La Passion de l'Echange, pp. 1019. G. Morin, Chicoutimi.

P. Maranda, 1987. Correspondence on the film. Anthropology Today, Vol. 3, No. 6, p. 24.

P. Maranda, forthcoming. Mythe, Métaphore et Métamorphose: Les Lao de Malaita.

P. Maranda and E.K. Maranda, 1970. `Le Crâne et l'Utérus: Deux Théorèmes Nord-Malaitains'. In J. Pouillon and P. Maranda (eds.) Echanges et Communications, pp. 82961. Mouton, Paris and The Hague.

B. Shore, 1989. Review of the film. American Anthropologist, Vol. 91, pp. 2756.

MASAI MANHOOD

53 minutes Colour
Director: Chris Curling
Anthropologist: Melissa Llewelyn-Davies

This film was made after Masai Women and in the same area. Together the two films provide a vivid view of Masai men and women and their place in Masai society.

The Masai are pastoral nomads in the East African rift valley with a social system which differentiates sharply between men and women and between age-sets. A particularly crucial distinction is made between men who are moran (`warriors') and more senior men classed as elders. After circumcision men live in the forest on the fringes of Masai society as moran debarred from marriage and excluded from crucial decision-making procedures.

The film is focused on the life of the moran and on the dramatic eunoto ceremony which marks the important transition from warriorhood to full social maturity and the responsibilities of elderhood. The moran are given an opportunity in the film to talk about warriorhood and they sensitively strive to explain their ideals to the anthropologist. Their words are effectively translated in sub-titles. There is much valuable information in the film on the events leading up to the eunoto ceremony including a fascinating sequence on the joking abuse directed by the moran at their mothers and on the ritual procedures involved in the rite de passage itself.

This may well be the last eunoto ceremony ever to be held as the pressures on the Masai to change their way of life are increasingly strong, and the film is important for the way in which it conveys the drama of the events and their significance both for the participants and for the Masai social system.

H. A. Fosbrooke, 1948. `An Administrative Survey of the Masai Social System'. Tanganyika Notes and Records, 26, pp. 150.

G.W.B. Huntingford (ed.), 1972. `Masai Kenya, Tanzania'. In T. Stacey (editorial director), Peoples of the World, Vol. 2, Africa from the Sahara to the Zambezi. Tom Stacey and Europa Verlag, [London].

J. La Fontaine, 1975. Review of the film. RAIN, 9, p.6.

M. Llewelyn-Davies, 1978. `Two Contexts of Solidarity amongst Pastoral Masai Women'. In P. Caplan and J. Bujra (eds.), Women United, Women Divided. Tavistock, London.

M. Sharman, 1979. People of the Plains. Evans Brothers Ltd., London. (A 32-page booklet on the Masai, in the series Kenya's People, intended for use in schools.)

P. Spencer, 1976. `Opposing Streams and the Gerontocratic Ladder: Two Models of Age Organisation in East Africa'. Man, Vol. 11, No. 2, pp. 153175.

P. Spencer, 1977. Age and the Paternal Yoke among the Masai (an unpublished manuscript deposited by Dr. Spencer in the Library of the Museum of Mankind).

R. Waller, 1976. `The Masai and the British 18951905'. Journal of African History, pp. 529553.

For rich and detailed material on a similar society see:
P. Spencer, 1965. The Samburu: A Study of Gerontocracy in a Nomadic Tribe. Routledge and Kegan Paul, London.

MASAI WOMEN

53 minutes Colour
Director: Chris Curling
Anthropologist: Melissa Llewelyn-Davies

The Masai are cattle herders living in the East African rift valley: they grow no crops and are proud of being a non-agricultural people. Cattle are the all-important source of wealth and social status, and Masai love their cattle, composing poems to them. However, it is the men who have exclusive control over rights to cattle, and women are dependent, throughout their lives, on a man father, husband or son for rights of access to property. A woman's status as `daughter', `wife' or `mother' is therefore crucial and this film examines with depth and sensitivity the social construction of womanhood in Masai society, concentrating upon women's attitudes to their own lives.

The film details a series of events in women's lives, from their circumcision ceremonies which mark their transition from girlhood to womanhood, to the moment when they proudly watch their sons make the transition to elderhood in the eunoto ceremony. This is one of the most admired of the Disappearing World films, not least because of the skill and sensitivity with which these non-literate Masai women are interviewed; the lucidity of their replies provides insights into what it is to be a Masai woman, in a manner which enriches the visual material.

The commentary spoken by the anthropologist is detailed without overburdening the image, and the subtitled translations of women's songs which express their desire for children and the love they feel for their moran contribute to making this one of the high points of the series.

T. O. Beidelman, 1976. Review of the film. American Anthropologist, Vol. 78, pp. 958959.

P. Spencer, 1975. Review of the film. RAIN, 6, pp. 1011 (title given as `The Masai; see also letter by M. Llewelyn-Davies in RAIN, 8, p.16)

For other references see the list under Masai Manhood.

THE MEHINACU

The Mehinacu live near the head-waters of the River Xingu in Central Brazil, in a single village within the protective confines of the Xingu National Park. Although the film concentrates upon the most exotic aspects of Mehinacu life, focusing on a series of rituals concerned with the planting and harvesting of the piqui tree, these rites are firmly located in their social context: relations between the sexes in this society are formalised in an astonishing abundance of ritual, celebration, dances and games, performed to ensure fertile soil and good crops.

Many sequences deal with the daily life of the Mehinacu, showing, for example, the sexual division of labour, with men fishing and women preparing manioc. The use of subtitled interviews provides a depth and sensitivity in the film's approach which helps to underline the concern with the fact that these Indians are seriously threatened by a road which is being cut through their territory. One of the highlights of the film is an interview with a Mehinacu elder who tells of the origin myth of the sacred flutes, a myth which is part of a complex belief system that will be lost if the Mehinacu, who are such a small group, are not able to survive under the pressures of the outside world.

The film could be used to stimulate discussions of sex role differences, sexual division of labour in particular societies, and the connection between ritual and social relationships.

T. Gregor 1970. `Exposure and Seclusion: A Study of Institutionalized Isolation among the Mehinacu Indians of Brazil'. Ethnology, Vol. 9, pp. 234250.

T. Gregor 1973. `Privacy and Extramarital Affairs in a Tropical Forest Community'. In D. Gross (ed.) Peoples and Cultures of Native South America. Natural History Press, Garden City.

T. Gregor 1974. `Publicity, Privacy and Mehinacu Marriage'. Ethnology, Vol. 13, pp. 333349.

T. Gregor 1977. Mehinacu: The Drama of Daily Life in a Brazilian Indian Village. University of Chicago Press.

S. Hugh-Jones, 1975. Review of the film. RAIN, 6, p.9.

THE MEO

Over the last three thousand years the Meo (Miao or Hmong) have migrated south from north and central China to avoid oppression and protect their way of life. Today they live in scattered mountain villages in south China and south-east Asia; and the 250,000 of them who live in the Kingdom of Laos have suffered greater losses, relative to their numbers, in the Indo-China wars than any other single group.

In 1972, when this film was made, the Vietnam war was still at its peak; therefore it is not surprising that a fairly straightforward ethnographic account is combined with a more journalistic analysis of the political situation. Indeed it would be difficult to approach a discussion of the Meo without such an emphasis, and the review in RAIN (listed below) is a useful supplement to this.

In effect, the film's narrative divides into two parts: first we are introduced to a village which managed to remain neutral and avoid the worst effects of the war (which was why the anthropologist chose it for his fieldwork). The daily life and material culture of the Meo people are shown as they sow rice using slash-and-burn agricultural methods, distil opium for sale and entertainment, and discuss with the anthropologist their fear of conscription and its effects on other villages. Two rituals are shown ( the shaman who performed them was the close friend of the anthropologist) one to banish a nightmare, the other to exorcise the spirit of a man which haunts the house of the brother who accidentally killed him while out hunting.

In the second part of the film we see the Meo who live in American-run refugee camps (which is the majority of them), far removed form the village life of their fellows. The interviews with some of the Meo pilots who fly American B28 bombers over their homeland emphasise the tragic absurdities of such a war; for these Meo are not sure exactly who the `enemy' are, each one giving vague answers to the interviewer's questions.

M. Barber and J. Lemoine 1977. `Two Letters from Indo-China'. RAIN, 21, pp. 16.

W. Geddes, 1976. Migrants of the Mountains: The Cultural Ecology of Blue Miao (Hmong Njua) of Thailand. Clarendon, Oxford.

A. Turton, 1974. Review of the film. RAIN, 4, p. 11.

THE MIGRANTS

The Migrants is the third film in the trilogy In Search of Cool Ground (see entry) made for Granada Television's Disappearing World series. It is about a drought-induced migration of Mursi from their traditional territory in the Omo valley to the Mago valley, about fifty miles away. This migration has brought them, for the first time, into contact with the market economy of the Ethiopian Highlands. David Turton notes that, when he first met the Mursi, men were seldom, and women never, seen at the highland markets. Now the Mago migrants, and especially women, are familiar figures in the weekly market at Berka, just four hours walk from their new settlements.

With their foothold in the pastoral economy weakening (tsetse flies make the Mago area quite unsuitable for cattle herding) and their dependence on market exchange growing, the migrants are in the process of becoming settled agriculturalists, like their highland neighbours, the Ari. By tracing the present and likely impact of this move on the lives of the migrants, the film shows how they are beginning to carve out a new ethnic identity for themselves, as well as a new home.

D. Turton, 1988. `Looking for a Cool Place: The Mursi, 1890s-1980s'. In D. Johnson and D. Anderson (eds.) The Ecology of Survival: Case Studies from Northeast African History, pp. 20182. Lester Crook Academic Publishing and Westview Press, Boulder and London.

D. Turton and P. Turton, 1984. `Spontaneous Resettlement after Drought: An Ethiopian Example'. Disasters, Vol. 8, No. 3, pp. 17889.

L. Woodhead, 1987. A Box Full of Spirits: Adventures of a Film-maker in Africa. Heinemann, London.

MONGOLIA part 1: ON THE EDGE OF THE GOBI

Mongolia is a country the size of Western Europe with under 1.5 million people but over 23 million head of livestock. This film concentrates on life in the great plains of Mongolia, at the foot of the Altai mountains, where the ancient skills of the Mongol horsemen coexist with the new methods of the socialist revolution of 1921 which brought collective farming to the steppes. Professor Owen Lattimore, who serves as commentator, is the West's leading authority on Mongolia; he first crossed the Gobi in 1926. The Granada film crew were the first documentary unit allowed in from the West, during summer 1974 and winter 1975.

C. R. Bawden, 1965. `Mongolian Review, October 1965'. Royal Central Asian Journal. Vol. LII, Parts III and IV, pp.287298.

C. Humphrey, 1974. `Inside a Mongolian Tent'. New Society, 31 October.

O. Lattimore, 1962. Nomads and Commissars: Mongolia Revisited, Oxford University Press.

O. Lattimore, 1975. Mongol Journeys. AMS Press, New York.

U. Onon, 1972. My Childhood in Mongolia. Oxford University Press.

U. Onon, 1976. Mongolian Heroes of the 20th Century. AMS Press, New York.

A.J.K. Sanders, 1968. The People's Republic of Mongolia. A General Reference Guide. Oxford University Press.

MONGOLIA part 2: THE CITY ON THE STEPPES

The second of two films on Mongolia made by Granada Television in 197475 looks at life in Ulan Bator, the capital of Mongolia and home of a quarter of the population. The city celebrates the 53rd anniversary of the socialist revolution with parades, festivals, wrestling and archery contests, and a remarkable horse-race. (The child jockeys are usually between 7 and 12 years old.) The film returns to a shepherd's camp on a collective for the traditional celebration of Tsagan Sar, the lunar New Year festival now known as the Herdsman's New Year.

(For references see Mongolia: On the Edge of the Gobi.)

THE MURSI

The Mursi, an unadministered tribe living in remote south-west Ethiopia, are a cattle-keeping and agricultural group without chiefs or leaders. This film, made under extremely difficult conditions, focuses on the way decisions are made in this society at a time of crisis. The crisis occurs when a shortage of grazing land, during a draught in 1974, led to warfare with their neighbours, the Bodi. The greater part of the film is concerned with a debate over the Bodi peace proposals. The Mursi reach their political decisions in formal debate at which point each warrior who rises to speak is heard patiently until all the important issues have been raised and a measure of agreement has emerged.

The Mursi is a serious and important film, both ethnographically and as a contribution to the understanding of political systems.

K. Fukui and D. Turton (eds.) 1979. Warfare among East African Herders. Senri Ethnological Studies 3, National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka, Japan.

W. James and T.B. Selassie, 1976. Review of the film. RAIN, 16, pp. 67.

D. Turton, 1971. `Mursi Tribe on the Plain of Death'. Geographical Magazine, September.

D. Turton, 1975. `The Relationship between Oratory and the Exercise of Influence among the Mursi'. In M. Bloch (ed.), Political Language and Oratory in Traditional Society. Academic Press, London.

D. Turton, 1977. `Response to Drought: The Mursi of Southwestern Ethiopia'. In J.P. Garlick and R.W.J. Keay (eds.), Human Ecology in the Tropics, Symposia of the Society for the Study of Human Biology, Vol. XVI. Taylor and Francis, London. (Reprinted in Disasters, Vol. 1, No. 4, 1978.)

D. Turton, 1978. `Territorial Organisation and Age among the Mursi'. In P.T.W. Baxter and U. Almagor (eds.), Age, Generation and Time: Some Features of East African Age Organisations. Hurst, London.

THE PATHANS

There are twelve million Pathans. Bound by a common language, a common heritage and the unifying force of Islam, these proud and independent people do not acknowledge the geographical boundary which divides them between Afghanistan and Pakistan. This film was shot at the same time as Khyber (see RAI Film and Video Library list) in Pakistan, close to the Afghan border.

The Pathans accept no imposed leadership, from without or from within. Their laws are the decisions of the democratic assembly of the village, known as the jirga. To disobey the jirga is to court heavy penalties against which there is no appeal.

Their code of living is called pukhtunwali the way of the Pathan. At its core are the principles of hospitality, personal honour and revenge. A man will fight to the death to avenge a wrong done to himself, his family or friends or, above all, his women. The film is noteworthy for the way in which it brings out the importance of these values.

Their fierce loyalty, coupled with the independence of spirit which tolerates no formal leaders, makes the Pathans a formidable enemy, as the British once found out and, more recently, the Soviet invaders of Afghanistan have discovered.

A. S. Ahmed, 1976. Millenium and Charisma among Pathans. Routlege and Kegan Paul, London.

A.S. Ahmed, 1980. Pukhtun Economy and Society. Routledge and Kegan Paul, London.

F. Barth, 1959. Political Leadership among Swat Pathans. Athlone Press, London.

F. Barth, 1981. Features of Person and Society in Swat: Collected Essays on Pathans. Routledge and Kegan Paul, London.

O. Caroe, 1965. The Pathans, 550 B.C. A.D. 1957. Macmillan, London.

J.S. Spain, 1962. The Way of the Pathans. Robert Hale, London.

N. Tapper, 1980. Review of the film. RAIN, 38, pp. 56.

R. Tapper, 1974. `Pathan'. Family of Man (Park Work), Vol. 6, Pt. 79, pp. 22022206. Marshall Cavendish, London.

THE QUECHUA

This film is set in a community of peasant agriculturalists 2 1/4 miles above sea level in the southern Peruvian Andes. Concentrating on a single family, the film explores aspects of religious and secular life. The first part of the film shows a pilgrimage to a Christian sanctuary situated close to the residence of the most powerful of the Central Andean mountain spirits (Apus) illustrating the syncretism of Catholic and pre-Hispanic local religious traditions.

In the second part of the film we see a fertility rite for sheep, and the attempts of certain members of the community to procure government assistance for a motor road to the village which would link them more closely with the rest of Peruvian society.

This film portrays the Quechua of the village of Camahuara as being in a sense sealed off from the rest of the world, but it also shows how their way of life is integrated with the Peruvian economy. It has been criticised for emphasising that the desire for change is coming from inside the traditional society rather than being forced on it from without.

O. Harris, 1975. Review of the film. RAIN, 6, p.11. Reply by Michael Sallnow and further correspondence in RAIN, 7, 10 and 11.

B.J. Isbell, 1978. To Defend Ourselves: Ecology and Ritual in an Andean Village. Latin American Monographs No. 47. University of Texas Press, Austin.

O. Nunez del Prado and W.F. Whyte, 1973. Kuyo Chico: Applied Anthropology in an Indian Community. University of Chicago Press. (An account of a project of directed social change in a community about 19 km. from Camahuara.)

M. Sallnow, R. Whitburn and V. Cutler, 1978. The Quechua. Educational pack in the Land and People series intended for 1113 year old children (RAI/ILEA project). Basil Blackwell, Oxford.

W.W. Stein, 1961. Hualcan: Life in the Highlands of Peru. Cornell University Press, Ithaca.

P. Van den Berghe, 1977. Inequality in the Peruvian Andes: Class and Ethnicity in Cuzco. University of Missouri Press, Columbia.

THE RENDILLE

The Rendille are camel herders who live in villages and camps dotted over 10,000 square miles of desert and scrub bush in Northern Kenya. As the terrain they occupy is so dry, the Rendille grow no crops and their cultural and economic life is centred on their animals.

As with other pastoral peoples, the Rendille have to be sensitive to the ever-shifting relationship between humans, animals and `natural' resources in order to maintain a suitable balance between them. Throughout the year the Rendille have to follow the grazing and rains, dividing their herds between camel camps and semi-permanent village settlements: long-term planning and decision-making are therefore crucial and this film brings out the manner in which the elders make their decisions. Each man gives his opinion and is listened to attentively until eventually a consensus is reached.

The role of the sexual division of labour and the age-set system is explained in commentary, interviews and visual sequences, in a way which allows the viewer insights in the various interacting levels of Rendille social structure. Sequences detailing the ritual activities surrounding the naapo ceremony (which marks a young man's transition to elderhood) are given towards the end of the film, after explanation of the fact that young men have to live in camel camps for about 14 years, while girls look after sheep and goats living in settlements with women and elders. In this way the building of symbolic villages by moran, each man making his own `home' with stones representative of wife and children before sacrificing a goat, is denied status as exotic spectacle: the subtitled comments of the naapo participants convey their feelings of embarrassment and uncertainty about the ritual procedure and allow a visual statement to be made about the relationship of ritual to every-day life.

The importance of the purely visual images in conveying a sense of vast desert space, of a daily life filled with the movement and sight of camels, sheep and goats, and of the social effects of village layout, is not to be underestimated. Although this colour film could be criticised for at times beautifying and softening the rough edges of pastoral life, its power as a statement of what it means to exist as a Rendille is very much a property of the camera work. The skilled usage of cinema verite techniques, combined with full subtitling of interviews, gives to this film an integrity and sensitivity which serves to reinforce its concern for the Rendille and its anxiety that for the Kenyan authorities the Rendille are a problem and an embarrassment.

P.T.W. Baxter, 1977. Review of the film. RAIN, 20, pp. 79.

S. Sato, 1980. `Pastoral Movements and the Subsistence Unit of the Rendille of Northern Kenya with Special Reference to Camel Ecology'. Senri Ethnological Studies, No. 6, (African 2), pp. 178.

G. Schlee, 1979. Das Glaubens - und Socialsystem der Rendille: Kamelnomaden Nord-Kenyas. (Summary in English, pp. 449464). Berlin.

P. Spencer, 1973. Nomads in Alliance: Symbiosis and Growth among the Rendille and Samburu of Kenya. Oxford University Press, London and New York.

THE SAKUDDEI

The Sakuddei are a small and ethnically separate community living on the island of Siberut off the west coast of Sumatra in Indonesia. Their distinctive way of life and elaborate religious ceremonies, centred on the umah (ceremonial house) are under threat from the Indonesian government which wishes to `civilise' the Sakuddei. These people are also threatened by a timber company from the Philippines which has been granted a logging concession in the Sakuddei's territory.

The first part of the film contains strikingly photographed scenes of ritual life in the umah, while in the second part there is an interview with a representative of the government who wants to send the Sakuddei children to school in a government village on the coast. The adults fear that the children will lose touch with their own customs and identity if placed in such an institution. Their concern forms part of a moving and dramatic film which explores the contrast between the Sakuddei's way of life and the various pressures of modern Indonesian society on them: Islam, money, police, administrators and the lumber companies.

H. Nooy-Palm, 1968. `The Culture of the Pagai-Islands and Sipora, Mentawei'. Tropical Man, 1, pp. 152241.

R. Schefold, 1973. `Religious Conceptions on Siberut, Mentawai'. Sumatra Research Bulletin (Berita Kajian Sumatera), II, 2, pp. 1224.

R. Schefold, 1976. `Religious Involution: Internal Change, and its Consequences, in the Taboo-System of the Mentawaians'. Tropical Man, 5, pp. 4681.

R. Schefold, 1980. `The Sacrifices of the Sakuddei (Mentawai Archipelago, Western Indonesia): An Attempt at Classification'. In R. Schefold, J.W. Schoorl and J. Tennekes (eds.), Man, Meaning and History: Essays in Honour of Prof. Dr. H.G. Schulte Nordholt. Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague.

B.E. Ward, 1975. Review of the film. RAIN, 8, pp. 1011.

SHERPAS OF NEPAL

Thami is a village 12,000 feet up in the Himalayas in the Kingdom of Nepal. As the film's opening shots illustrate, in a type of filmic short-hand, Thami is composed of a patchwork of individual farms indicative of the Sherpa emphasis on independence and family self-sufficiency. The main concern of the film is to examine what it means to be Sherpa today in both cultural and economic terms: to this end the film concentrates on the varied career choices of three brothers from Thami peasant farmer, Buddhist monk and head guide. Interviews with the brothers, enabling them to express their own attitudes and expectations, deepen the analysis.

The second half of the film deals with the preparations for the festivities of a Sherpa wedding, emphasising that negotiations about bridewealth are lengthy often taking years since marriage is viewed primarily as an economic transaction. Sequences showing peasant farming activities, in combination with scenes of Sherpa life in Katmandu, contrast the old way of life with the new and illustrate the changing socio-economic conditions encountered by Sherpas today.

C. von Furer-Haimendorf, 1964. The Sherpas of Nepal. University of California Press, Berkeley.

E. von Furer-Haimendorf, 1977. Review of the film. RAIN, 21, pp. 78.

S.B. Ortner, 1978. Sherpas through their Rituals. Cambridge Studies in Cultural Systems, No.2. Cambridge University Press.

THE SHILLUK OF SOUTHERN SUDAN

52 minutes Colour
Director: Chris Curling
Anthropological consultants: Paul Howell, Walter Kunijwok, André Singer

This film presents a compelling visual and aural analysis of Shilluk kingship in 1975, and provides a very useful complement to Evans-Pritchard's 1948 text, The Divine Kingship of the Shilluk.

Although the Reth (king) has been reduced to the status of second-class magistrate in dispute settlement by the Sundanese government, he is still the focus of political and national identity for a Shilluk people composed of competing territorial groupings. At the death of the Reth, his spirit passes into the Nile. This film follows the procession of priests as they carry the effigy of Nyikang, the 16th century founder of the Shilluk dynasty, and his son Dak on the pilgrimage from the Nile, retracing the movements of their conquest of the North, capturing the Reth and installing Nyikang. The journey is part of a spiritual renewal for the Shilluk, as well as a renewal of political unity which reaffirms the social order. The outcome of the journey is known, for the Reth-elect will be captured after a ritual battle, and only after being possessed by the spirit of Nyikang will he be installed as King. Thus, the office is seen to be more powerful than the man, and the continuity of divine kingship is affirmed.

However, this is not simply a filmed version of the type of analysis provided in Evans-Pritchard's book, for it deals with the kingship in a quite different political context. For example, throughout the period which leads to his installation, the king-elect is guarded by Government police who are not Shilluk. It is apparent that the future king accedes to office with the `support' of the Government, the `mock' aspect of the ritual battle being somewhat confused by the very real presence of the guards and their disruptive effects on the proceedings.

In any course on political anthropology this film is clearly crucial, and for those quick enough to appreciate it, the commentary carries a great deal of information and analysis. It is also rated highly for verbal and visual accuracy.

C. Curling 1978. `Anthropology and the General Audience: Disappearing World'. Educational Broadcasting International, June, Vol. II, No. 2. (This is not specifically about the Shilluk but discusses inter alia particular aspects of the film of interest to anthropologists and filmmakers.)

E.E. Evans-Pritchard, 1948. The Divine Kingship of the Shilluk of the Nilotic Sudan (The Frazer Lecture of 1948). Cambridge University Press. (Reprinted in E.E. Evans-Pritchard, Essays in Social Anthropology. Faber, London, 1962.

E.E. Evans-Pritchard (ed.), 1972. `Shilluk, Sudan'. In T. Stacey (editorial director), Peoples of the World, Vol. 2, Africa from the Sahara to the Zambezi. Tom Stacey and Europa Verlag, [London].

P.P. Howell and W.P.G. Thomson, 1946. `The Death of a Reth of the Shilluk and the Installation of his Successor'. Sudan Notes and Records, No. 27, pp. 485.

L. Mair, 1976. Review of the film. RAIN, 12, p. 6.

M.E.C. Pumphrey, 1941. `The Shilluk Tribe'. Sudan Notes and Records, Vol. 24, Pt. I, pp. 145.

SOME WOMEN OF MARRAKECH

53 minutes Colour
Director: Melissa Llewelyn-Davies
Consultant: Elizabeth Fernea

In Marrakech, traditional attitudes to women prevail perhaps more strongly than in other Moroccan cities. This is especially true for those women who live by the standards of traditional ideals in the Medina, the old city of Marrakech still enclosed by its ancient walls.

This film attempts to say something about women such as Aisha and Hajiba two main characters who have experienced the hardships of life for women in such a society. Aisha's husband is an unskilled labourer and so she is forced to find work cooking and cleaning. Hajiba has been thrown out of her natal home by the brother who became household head on her father's death and she works as a dancer (shaykha) in a troupe entertaining men for money. For both of them the ideal of seclusion remains unrealisable, economic factors taking them out into the public world of men.

The all-women film-crew were privileged to be allowed to attend a series of events involving women a visit to the steam baths, a religious celebration, a wedding, a visit to a shuwafa (fortune teller), a possession cult trance and a trip to the market to buy cloth. At many of these social events the guests entertain each other, and the film is remarkable not least for sequences showing women dancing and playing musical instruments, the brilliant colours of their dress and surroundings adding to the visual interest.

Some Women of Marrakech is important for the manner in which it situates these `ethnographic events' in relation to the division between women in the private world and men in the public world, providing an analysis which puts in the foreground questions of women's consciousness, sexuality and male/female division.

K.L. Brown, 1977. Review of the film. RAIN, 19, pp. 79.

L. Brown, 1978. `The Two Worlds of Marrakech'. Screen, Vol. 19, No. 12, pp. 85118.

E.W. Fernea, 1976. A Street in Marrakech. Anchor/Doubleday, New York.

V. Maher, 1974. Women and Property in Morocco. Cambridge Studies in Social Anthropology, No. 10, Cambridge University Press.

THE TUAREG

This film is about a group of nomadic Tuareg living high up in the Hoggar Mountains near Tamanrasset in Algeria. The main focus of the film is the collapse of the former economic basis of their camps. In 1962 the Algerian government banned the system of slavery and contract labour which had helped to keep the Tuareg camps supplied with grain. Now, instead of undertaking 500 mile long trading journeys to Niger, Tuareg buy grain in Tamanrasset with money obtained form selling cheap leather goods to the burgeoning tourist trade. The commentary, by Jeremy Keenan, also introduces aspects of the Tuareg kinship system, and material about the social life of the group.

The second part of the film concentrates on the devastating effects of the recent drought on this way of life. The pasture is now so poor that camps have to move more frequently, and so traditional patterns of life are being abandoned in favour of a sedentary existence as cultivators alongside the Tuareg's former slaves.

J. Keenan, 1978. The Tuareg: People of Ahaggar. Allen Lane, London.

R. F. Murphy, 1974. Review of the film. American Anthropologist, Vol. 76, pp. 212213.

UMBANDA

50 minutes Colour
Producer and Director: Stephen Cross
Anthropologist: Peter Fry

Umbanda is a syncretic religious movement, combining elements from orthodox Catholicism with submerged African and indigenous Indian spiritual beliefs. In spite of past attempts to suppress it, Umbanda flourishes in the heterogeneous culture of contemporary urban Brazil. The film somewhat ambitiously seeks to give an exposition of the eclectic repertoire of the Umbanda movement. There is lengthy coverage of ritual performances, including interviews with mediums and their clients, which emphasise the role the movement plays in the management of personal malaise and affliction experienced as a by-product of change and urbanisation.

The concluding sequences of the Sea Goddess, Yemenya identified with the Virgin Mary show the annual Umbanda festival where half a million participants from all over the country assemble on the beaches of São Paulo. The film's strength lies in its graphic footage of spiritual possession and healing but it has been criticised for not providing a fuller account of the functioning of Umbanda groups, and the movement's articulation with the political authorities in Brazil.

R. Bastide, 1960. Les Religions Africaines au Brésil. Presses Universitaires de France, Paris.

D. Brown, 1979. `Umbanda and Class Relations in Brazil'. In M.L. Margolis and W.E. Carter (eds.), Brazil: Anthropological Perspectives. Essays in Honour of Charles Wagley. Columbia University Press, New York.

Jean Comaroff, 1978. Review of the film. RAIN, 26, pp. 67.

S. & R. Leacock, 1972. Spirits of the Deep: A Study of an Afro-Brazilian Cult. Doubleday Natural History Press, New York.

I.M. Lewis, 1971. Ecstatic Religion: an Anthropological Study of Spirit Possession and Shamanism. Penguin, Harmondsworth.

R.J. Perelberg, 1980. `Umbanda and Psychoanalysis as Different Ways of Interpreting Mental Illness'. British Journal of Medical Psychology, Vol. 53, pp. 323332.

E. Pressel, 1974. `Umbanda Trance and Possession in Sao Paulo, Brazil'. In I. Zaretsky (ed.), Trance, Healing and Hallucination, Part Two. Wiley-Interscience, U.S.A.

E. Willems, 1966. `Religious Mass Movements and Social Change in Brazil'. In E.N. Baklanoff (ed.), New Perspectives of Brazil. Vanderbilt University Press, Nashville.

Article in T.V. Times, Vol. 89, No. 47, November 1977.

VILLAGERS OF THE SIERRA DE GREDOS

The 130 villagers of Navalguijo in the Sierra de Gredos of Central Spain live in a village perched high in the mountains and they face an extreme climate with very cold winters and hot summers. The soil is acid and poor, and the steep slopes and short growing season mean that agriculture cannot provide a living.

Collectively the villagers own summer pastures high in the mountains, and individually they hold smaller autumn pastures. With access to winter pastures across the mountains in the region of Extremadura, they are able to maintain a large herd of beef cattle, which form their main source of wealth and which are their dearest possessions.

To make this film, the crew joined the village men on their trek to Extremadura, when they drive their cattle down the mountains. This cattle drive is a mixture of hard work and holiday, with passing round of leather wine bottles, story-telling and evening stopovers at favourite inns punctuating the long march.

This film portrays a society whose ideals of village co-operation and the rigid and efficient organisation of tasks have given the village a strong sense of identity over generations. It remains to be seen if this sense of identity survives the breakdown of their isolation from the outside world as tourists discover `hidden Spain' and better communications and roads bring increasing contact with the rest of the country.

S. Brandes, 1975. Migration, Kinship and Community: Tradition in a Spanish Village. Academic Press, London. [Examines a village not far from the one in the film, but whose economy and style of life are very different.]

G. Brenan, 1957. South from Granada. Hamish Hamilton, London.

J. Pitt-Rivers, 1971. The People of the Sierra. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. [Although the book deals with Andalusia and not with Old Castille where the film is set, it is considered a classic of Spanish anthropology.]

S. Tax-Freeman, 1970. Neighbours: The Social Contract in a Castillian Hamlet. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.

S. Tax-Freeman, 1979. The Pasiegos: Spaniards in No-man's Land. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. [Deals with cattle herders in Santander whose way of life is quite different from that of the villagers in the film.]

WAR OF THE GODS

66 minutes Colour
Director: Brian Moser
Anthropologists: Peter Silverwood-Cope, Stephen and Christine Hugh-Jones

While relying on a polemical stance directed against the cultural genocide wrought by missionaries, War of the Gods also contains a wealth of information and detail about Amazonian Indian cosmology, social life and sexual division of labour. Two groups of Indians from the Vaupés region of Colombia are shown, the Makú, who live mainly by hunting and gathering, and the sedentary Barasana, who live mainly by farming.

The film contrasts the belief systems and way of life of the Indians, presented by the anthropologists who worked and lived with them, with those of Protestant and Catholic missionaries. The Protestants, North American Fundamentalists from the Summer Institute of Linguistics, are said to have used their organisation as a cover in order to be allowed to work with the Indians, because open Protestant missionary activity would not have been acceptable to the authorities.

No attempt is made to gloss over the complexities of contact between Whites and Indians: the Barasana themselves want change, and the missionaries' influence is undoubtedly more beneficial to the Indians than that of rubber gatherers. Included in this film is an interview - using voice-over - with a Makú shaman, and there are scenes from the Barasana moloka, the communal house which is a centre of social and domestic activity. The climax of the film is a contrasting look at a church service at the S.I.L. headquarters, a Barasana ritual dance (accompanied by the ritual use of the hallucinogen yagé), and a Mass at the Catholic mission attended by some of the Indians who took part in the ritual dance.

Some missionaries who have seen this film consider that its editing is unfair to the S.I.L., but the head of another important missionary organisation has said that it should be screened during missionary training courses.

C. Hugh-Jones, 1979. From the Milk River: Spatial and Temporal Processes in Northwest Amazonia. Cambridge Studies in Social Anthropology, No. 26. Cambridge University Press.

S. Hugh-Jones, 1978. A Closer Look at Amazonian Indians. The Archon Press, London. (Book intended for children aged 1014.)

S. Hugh-Jones, 1979. The Palm and the Pleiades: Initiation and Cosmology in Northwest Amazonia. Cambridge Studies in Social Anthropology, No. 24. Cambridge University Press.

B. Saler, 1974. Review of the film. American Anthropologist, Vol. 76, pp. 210212.

THE WHALE HUNTERS OF LAMALERA, INDONESIA

The film vividly and carefully records the technical process involved in catching cetaceans and large fish, culminating in the catch itself. R. Ellen

The Whale Hunters of Lamalera was filmed over a period of four weeks during June 1987. Lamalera is a village which is perched on the rocky slopes of an active volcano on the southern coast of the island of Lembata, in Nusa Tenggara Timur in eastern Indonesia. An anonymous Portuguese document of 1624 describes the islanders as hunting whales with harpoons for their oil, and implies that they collected and sold ambergris. This report confirms that whaling took place in the waters of the Suva Sea at least two centuries before the appearance of American and English whaling ships at the beginning of the nineteenth century.

The film follows the daily life of the villagers of Lamalera, a community of about 1500 people. The Christian Mission has been in place in the community for a hundred years, schools have been established and a training workshop teaches carpentry. It is a fishing village in a region where most communities support themselves by agriculture. Lamalera has very little productive land, so the villagers have to fish in order to survive. Their preferred quarry is sperm whale. Catching sperm whale with hand-thrown harpoons from small open boats powered by muscle and palm-leaf sail is no easy task, and the hunt is by no means uneven between man and whale. The tail flukes of a whale can smash the timbers of the boats and many boats are temporarily disabled by their prey. Harpooners have been disabled and killed. But the attraction of the whale is its size. The flesh of the whale (and shark and manta ray) is cut into strips and sun dried in the village. The meat is then carried to small markets where it is bartered with mountain villagers. One strip of dried fish or meat is equivalent to twelve ears of maize, twelve bananas, twelve pieces of dried sweet potatoes, twelve sections of sugar cane, or twelve sirih peppers plus twelve pinang nuts.

Commercial whaling is banned throughout much of the world, but subsistence whaling is permitted by International Whaling Commission regulations in Alaska, the USA, the USSR and Greenland. Indonesia is not, however, a signatory to the IWC. Seven whales were caught in Lamalera in 1987.

R. Barnes, 1989. The Ikat Textiles of Lamalera. E.J. Brill, Leiden.

R.H. Barnes, 1974. `Lamalerap: A Whaling Village in Eastern Indonesia'. Indonesia, No. 17, pp. 13759.

R.H. Barnes, 1984. Whaling Off Lembata: The Effects of a Development Project on an Indonesian Community. IWGIA Document 48. International Workgroup On Indigenous Affairs, Copenhagen.

R.H. Barnes, 1985. `Whaling Vessels of Indonesia'. In S. McGrail and E Kentley (eds.) Sewn Plank Boats. British Archaeological Reports, Oxford.

R.H. Barnes and R. Barnes, 1989. Barter and Money in an Indonesian Village Economy. Man N.S., Vol. 24, pp. 399418.

R. Ellen, 1988. Review of the film. Anthropology Today, Vol. 4, No. 5, pp. 2324.

THE WODAABE

... is the Wodaabe world disappearing? and how are we to place the painted male faces? The very considerable success of this film is the ways it answers these questions. J. Picton

The Wodaabe follow their herds in an endless migration across the borders of Niger, Nigeria, Chad and Cameroon in search of pasture. The droughts which have ravaged the Sahel since the late 1960s have devastated Wodaabe cattle herds, and this film looks at the daily pattern of survival of one hard-pressed family group at the height of the dry season. Gorjo bi Rima and his family have been the focus of Mette Bovin's fieldwork since 1968 and she has seen his herds decline from more than 300 cows to less than half a dozen. Yet, as she emphasises, the Wodaabe see their life as a balance between hardship and joy, and the film expresses this in sequences which record a child's naming feast and the Wodaabe's obsession with male beauty and adornment. `We like beauty,' Gorjo says. `We like to see people who are young and handsome and this is why we put on make-up.' The elaborate make-up of the young men and their dances, a kind of male beauty contest to gain the attention of women, are linked to a complex system of taboos which the Wodaabe insist they will maintain despite mounting pressures to abandon their nomadic lives.

For another view of the Wodaabe and additional bibliographic references, see the entry for Deep Hearts (in RAI Film Library Catalogue Volume II).

A.M. Bonfiglioli, 1988. Dudal. Histoire de Famille et Histoire de Troupeau Chez un Groupe de Wodaabe du Niger. Cambridge University Press.

M. Bovin, 1974/5. `Ethnic Performances in Rural Niger: An Aspect of Ethnic Boundary Maintenance'. Folk (Copenhagen), Vol. 16/17, pp. 45974.

M. Bovin, 1985. `Nomades "Sauvages" et Paysans "Civilisés": Wodaabe et Kanuri au Borno'. Journal des Africanistes, Vol. 55, No. 1/2, pp. 5373.

M. Bovin, 1990. `Nomads of the Drought: Fulbe and Wodaabe Nomads between Power and Marginalisation (Burkina Faso and Niger Republic)'. In M. Bovin and L. Manger (eds.) Adaptive Strategies in African Arid Lands. Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Uppsala.

M. Bovin, 1990. `"Mariages de la Maison" et "Mariages de la Brousse" dans les Sociétés Peules, WoDaaBe et Kanuri autour du Lac Tchad'. In N. Echard et al (eds.) 4ème Colloque MEGA-TCHAD. ORSTOM and CNRS, Paris.

M. Dupire, 1975 (1962). Peuls Nomades. Etude Descriptive des WoDaaBe du Sahel Nigérien. Institut d'Ethnologie, Paris.

J. Picton, 1988. Review of the film. Anthropology Today, Vol. 4, No. 5, p. 23.

C. Ver Eecke, 1989. Review of the film. American Anthropologist, Vol. 91, pp. 83536.

C. White, 1984. `Herd Reconstruction; The Role of Credit Among WoDaabe Herders in Central Niger'. Cambridge Anthropology Vol.9, No.2, pp.3042.

ACROSS THE TRACKS: THE VLACH GYPSIES OF HUNGARY

THE BASQUES OF SANTAZI

A CLEARING IN THE JUNGLE

THE DERVISHES OF KURDISTAN

EMBERA ­ THE END OF THE ROAD

THE ESKIMOS OF POND INLET

IN SEARCH OF COOL GROUND: THE MURSI TRILOGY

KATARAGAMA: A GOD FOR ALL SEASONS

THE KAWELKA: ONGKA'S BIG MOKA

THE KAYAPO

THE KAYAPO·OUT OF THE FOREST

THE KAZAKHS OF CHINA

THE KIRGHIZ OF AFGHANISTAN

THE KWEGU

THE LAST OF THE CUIVA

THE LAU OF MALAITA

MASAI MANHOOD

MASAI WOMEN

THE MEHINACU

THE MEO

THE MIGRANTS

MONGOLIA part 1: ON THE EDGE OF THE GOBI

MONGOLIA part 2: THE CITY ON THE STEPPES

THE MURSI

THE PATHANS

THE QUECHUA

THE RENDILLE

THE SAKUDDEI

SHERPAS OF NEPAL

THE SHILLUK OF SOUTHERN SUDAN

SOME WOMEN OF MARRAKECH

THE TUAREG

UMBANDA

VILLAGERS OF THE SIERRA DE GREDOS

WAR OF THE GODS

THE WHALE HUNTERS OF LAMALERA, INDONESIA

THE WODAABE

EMBERA THE END OF THE ROAD